Pattern spider chart
Aggregated from loaded records. Shows pattern intensity, not legal guilt.
Forceful public risk map with simplified demand groups: France, UK, EU/Europe, US/NATO, Western, Gulf, China, Russia/PMC, Israel and Mixed/local-external. This map shows the distribution of key concentrations of harms, human-rights violations, accountability failures and demand-side systems. It highlights how abuse is often delocalized: bodies, poisoned water, detention centers, migration deaths, camp abuse, mine collapses, trafficking, sexual exploitation, hunger and displacement appear in Africa, Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean or migration routes, while demand, finance, arms supply, border policy, commodity buying, legal immunity, media normalization or diplomatic protection often sits elsewhere. This map is not a court judgment. It is a public-risk tool. Its purpose is to make the structure visible.
The map is not a loose list of scandals. It converts known analytical frameworks into a public evidence workflow: harm, beneficiary, demand origin, narrative inversion, source class, remedy gap and right of reply.
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This is not a blanket accusation against ordinary Western citizens. It is a demand-side risk map. The same discipline applies to all groups: source, testimony, incentive, beneficiary, remedy, correction and right of reply. But the pattern is now too large to soften: Western-linked systems dominate the loaded demand-side architecture.
For paramilitary, PMC and auxiliary-force allegations, PASO separates victim/community testimony from hostile media repetition. Affected communities, local independent sources, legal records, UN/independent investigations and protected testimony carry higher evidentiary weight. Claims repeated mainly by rival-state or hostile media are leads, not final findings. This matters in the Sahel and Wagner-linked debates: if Malians or affected communities document abuse, the evidence rises; if claims come mainly from French/allied media ecosystems with strategic hostility, the record remains provisional and also scores propaganda/narrative-warfare risk.
Public datasets such as HDX, ACLED/HDX, IOM Missing Migrants, UNODC trafficking reporting, Aid Worker Security Database and Land Matrix are used as structured anchors. They do not replace victims, survivors, local journalists, health workers, aid workers, community records and protected witnesses. Underreporting is expected where access is blocked, families fear retaliation, bodies disappear, migrants die off-record, archives are controlled, or the powerful control the investigation. PASO therefore uses datasets as evidence layers, not as the full reality. The absence of a record is not proof that harm did not occur. In high-risk environments, absence may indicate fear, censorship, blocked access, data failure, institutional capture or deliberate suppression.
The public site contains only sanitized records, public sources, methodology, correction routes and right-of-reply channels.
It must never expose witness names, protected contributors, raw evidence chains, exact sensitive locations, private communications, internal review assignments, unredacted legal annexes, survivor identities or source-protection metadata.
Sensitive allegations involving children, trafficking, sexual violence, organ harvesting, disappearances, biological-terrorism allegations, medical exploitation or elite-network abuse require protected review before any identifying detail is published.
The public layer is for visibility and pressure. The protected layer is for evidence safety.
Aggregated from loaded records. Shows pattern intensity, not legal guilt.